Pakistan continues to pursue a policy of producing a smaller number of deterrent forces with no interest in pursuing a weapon to weapon equalization strategy. It aims to sustain balance rather than parity and does not want to be part of an unending arms race. The changed strategic environment in South Asia puts greater pressure on Pakistan to upgrade and streamline its deterrent in order to sustain deterrence stability and avert a war.
Domestically, Pakistan has commendably worked to improve its legal order, fight terrorism in its all forms and manifestations, create a rigorous export-control regime and construct a nuclear security regime. Regionally, it is ready to work on these parametres with other countries. For details of the vote see Annex I. The Assembly would urge all States not yet party to the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water the partial test-ban Treaty to adhere to it, by another draft resolution approved this afternoon.
In addition, all States parties to the Treaty would be asked to contribute to the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty as soon as possible and not later than The Committee also approved a text by which the Assembly would restate its request to the Conference on Disarmament to begin negotiations in order to reach agreement on an international convention prohibiting the use or threatened use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances.
The Conference could take as a possible basis a draft convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, annexed to the draft resolution. The text was approved by a recorded vote of 95 in favour to 26 against, with 26 abstentions Annex III. By a recorded vote of in favour to 1 against United States with 45 abstentions, the Committee approved a draft decision by which the Assembly would include in the provisional agenda of its next session an item entitled "Non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and of vehicles for their delivery in all its aspects".
Annex IV will follow when available. By another draft decision, approved without a vote, the Assembly would call on all States to take appropriate measures to prevent any dumping of nuclear or radioactive wastes that would infringe on the sovereignty of States. The Conference on Disarmament would be asked to intensify efforts towards an early conclusion of a convention banning radiological weapons, and to take account of the question of radioactive wastes as part of the scope of such a convention.
The Assembly would call on all States of the Mediterranean region to adhere to the multilaterally negotiated legal instruments relating to disarmament, by a draft resolution on strengthening security and cooperation in the region approved without a vote. They would be invited to address cooperatively such regional problems as terrorism, international crime, illicit arms transfers and illicit drug production, consumption and trafficking. The Mediterranean States would be encouraged to strengthen confidence-building by promoting transparency and by providing accurate data to the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms.
By another draft resolution approved without a vote, the General Assembly would urge the countries of the region that had not yet done so to ratify the amendments to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean Treaty of Tlatelolco , to further consolidate the region's regime of military denuclearization.
Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone
The Conference on Disarmament would be urged to continue as the highest priority its negotiations to conclude a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty, by another draft resolution approved without a vote. The Assembly would also ask the Secretary-General to continue providing the Conference with adequate administrative, substantive and support services.
A draft resolution on United Nations disarmament fellowship, training and advisory services, also approved without a vote, would have the Assembly ask the Secretary-General to continue implementing the Geneva-based programme within existing resources. It would also commend him for the diligence with which the programme has been carried out. The Assembly would invite governments and international and national non-governmental organizations to continue taking an active part in Disarmament Week, by another text approved without a vote.
It would invite the Secretary-General to continue using United Nations information organs to promote better understanding among the world public of disarmament problems and of the aims of the Week.
By a draft resolution on the relationship between disarmament and development, approved without a vote, the international community would be urged to devote part of the resources made available through disarmament to economic and social development. The Secretary-General would be asked to continue to take action to implement the action program adopted at the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development.
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The First Committee will meet again at 3 p. Monday, 13 November, to continue taking action on disarmament-related draft resolutions and decisions. The First Committee Disarmament and International Security met this afternoon to begin taking action on disarmament-related draft resolutions and decisions. It had before it texts on the prohibition of biological weapons; non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; the report of the Conference on Disarmament; the Treaty of Tlatelolco; establishment of a nuclear-weapon- free zone in South Asia; the permanent neutrality of Turkmenistan; and United Nations disarmament fellowship, training and advisory services.
Other texts concern Disarmament Week; prohibiting the dumping of radioactive wastes; the relationship between disarmament and development; the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace; the report of the Disarmament Commission; partial test-ban Treaty; preventing an arms race in outer space; regional disarmament; conventional arms control at the regional and subregional levels; and a convention prohibiting the use of nuclear weapons. The text would have the Assembly include the item in the provisional agenda of its fifty-first session. Further terms of the draft would request the Secretary-General to continue to render the necessary assistance to the depository governments of the Convention, and to provide the necessary services for the implementation of the decisions and recommendations of the Third Review Conference, the Final Report of the Special Conference, and assistance to the Ad Hoc Group.
The Secretary-General would be asked to render the necessary assistance and services for the Fourth Review Conference. The draft text would have the Conference of Disarmament submit a report on its work to the General Assembly at its fifty-first session. In addition, the text would request the Secretary-General to continue to provide the Conference with adequate administrative, substantive and support services.
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It would also have the Assembly decide to include the report of the Conference in the provisional agenda of its fifty-first session. The text would urge the countries of the region that had not yet done so to ratify the amendments to the Treaty. It would have the Assembly decide to include such item in its fifty-first session. By the provisions of the draft, the Secretary-General would report to the Assembly at its fifty-first session on consultations with States of the region intended to explore the best possibilities of furthering the efforts for the establishment of a nuclear- free zone.
The text would have the Assembly include the item in its fifty- first session. It would call on States Members of the United Nations to respect and support that status, and to respect that country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. It would express appreciation to the Governments of Germany and France for inviting the fellows to study selected disarmament activities. It would invite the Secretary-General to continue using United Nations information organs to promote better understanding among the world public of disarmament problems and the aims of the Week.
The Conference on Disarmament would be asked to include radioactive wastes in its scope of a convention prohibiting radiological weapons. The Conference was also requested to intensify efforts towards an early conclusion of the convention and to include the progress recorded in those negotiations in a report to the Assembly at its next session. Current efforts of the IAEA in the preparation of a draft convention on the safe management of radioactive waste were also welcomed.
The Secretary- General would be asked to continue to take action on the implementation of the action programme adopted at the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development.
He would also be asked to submit a report on the subject to the Assembly's next session. The text is sponsored by Colombia, on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement. The Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee would be asked to consult with the permanent members of the Council and the major maritime users of the Ocean and to apprise the Committee of his consultations before its session. The Secretary-General would be asked to continue rendering all necessary assistance to the Committee, including provision of summary records.
It would encourage the Commission to continue enhancing its working methods and would recommend that it consider international arms transfers during its session, as well as two items to be determined at its organizational session. The Assembly would ask that the Secretary-General provide the Commission and its subsidiary bodies with all necessary resources and services, including verbatim records; transmit to the Commission the annual report of the Conference on Disarmament; and provide it with all assistance needed to implement the current text.
In commemoration of the United Nations fiftieth anniversary, he would also be asked to compile, in the form of a note by the Secretary-General, all texts of principles, guidelines or recommendations unanimously adopted by the Commission since its inception in By other terms of the text, the Assembly would express regret that the Commission was unable to agree on guidelines and recommendations for its item on nuclear disarmament with the aim of eliminating nuclear weapons.
It would reaffirm the importance of further enhancing dialogue and cooperation among the First Committee, the Disarmament Commission and the Conference on Disarmament.
Nuclear Weapons and Conflict in South Asia
It would also reaffirm the role of the Commission. The President of the Amendment Conference was asked to conduct consultations to those ends. The Assembly would include the item in the provisional agenda of its fifty- first session. It would call on all States, particularly those with major space capabilities, to contribute to the peaceful use of outer space, to preventing an outer space arms race, and to refrain from actions contrary to that objective and to the relevant existing treaties.
The Assembly would restate the primary role of the Conference on Disarmament in negotiating a multilateral agreement or agreements on preventing an outer space arms race. It would ask that the Conference re- establish in its Ad Hoc Committee on the matter with an adequate mandate, and that it intensify its consideration of the question, with a view to concluding an agreement or agreements. Asking the Conference to continue building on areas of convergence, it would recognize the growing convergence on measures to strengthen transparency, confidence and security in the peaceful uses of space.
By other terms of the text, the Assembly would reaffirm the importance of preventing an outer space arms race, as well as the need to consolidate and. It would reaffirm the importance of strictly complying with existing agreements, both bilateral and multilateral, and would emphasize the need for further, verifiable measures to prevent an outer space arms race. It would invite them to address cooperatively such regional problems as terrorism, international crime, illicit arms transfers, and illicit drug production, consumption and trafficking.
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The Assembly would encourage the Mediterranean States to strengthen confidence-building by promoting transparency on all military matters, through participation in the United Nations system for the standardized reporting of military expenditures, and by providing accurate data to the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms. By other terms of the text, the Assembly would encourage widespread support among the States of the region for the convening of a conference on security and cooperation in the Mediterranean, as well as for ongoing regional consultations aimed at creating conditions for its convening.
It would express satisfaction at their continuing efforts to eliminate all causes of tension in the region and commend their efforts to meet common challenges. India, who had been developing a nuclear option, was unwilling to part with the solution for its growing deterrence problem. Islamabad decided its nuclear weapons and advanced delivery systems would provide the balance of power in South Asia that it would be lacking otherwise.
The NPT states that all nuclear weapons nations that tested before are allowed to maintain their nuclear stockpiles, and that those that had not must cease any and all involvement with nuclear development or acquisition. From a South Asian perspective, this was the international system ruling it illegal to access the deterrence measures that both nations considered necessary to continue to utilize. The actions of nuclear engineer and physicist Abdul Qadeer Khan, has complicated thePakistani nuclear saga. It is unclear whether this proliferation would have been possible without the knowledge of the government.
However it can be disputed whether AQ Khan would have been able to proliferate if Pakistan was included in the nuclear community earlier, asincreased regulations and international oversightmight have made such a feat impossible. Something that Pakistan has not experienced since the AQ Khan affair. First, the frameworks are discriminatory. Stating that from a certain date, any nation who possesses nuclear weapons will be allowed to continue development, while others must completely refrain, is an arbitrary and heavily biased contract that does not consider the complex geopolitical and strategic circumstances of nuclear deterrence.
The CTBT does not act as a tool of counter proliferation, rather an instrument that prevents further nuclear development, as the CTBT does not require states to reduce arsenal size but does prevent the testing of nuclear devices. For states who have successfully developed nuclear weapons this treaty has a less profound impact, it is only those who are still developing nuclear programs and cannot test their systems that are prevented from further nuclear development by the CTBT.
Secondly, South Asia is a high-risk flashpoint, where arsenal transparency is avoided by both nations due to their opposing security concerns. Due to its geopolitics and history of conflict, South Asia has developed a strategic culture of prolonged and heated rivalry.
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For Pakistan the Indian rivalry has been the most influential determinant of its foreign policy since partition. Neither state trusts one another, nor the international system to deliver security that is in their best interest. Considering its history of regional conflict and abstention from international security norms this lack of transparency has increased international doubt surrounding Indian nuclear responsibility. Since proliferation, it has stood in isolation when instances of communaldisarmament have been taken, Pakistan has regularly blocked the Conference on Disarmament work plan that aims,for a fissile material cutoff treaty FMCT.
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However these criticisms show a lack of appreciation of the motivations underpinning South Asian nuclear programs. First an uncomfortable reality must be understood by world leaders which is, India and Pakistan need their nuclear weapons. To accept that South Asian nuclear weapons possess political utility is a proposition that exists outside of the comfort zone of the western-centric, liberal-minded analyst. However, in order to truly develop nuclear security at an international level, frameworks that accept and incorporate the arsenals of India and Pakistan as valid nuclear weapon states must be developed either within or alongside existing international security frameworks.
The international community has only used sanctioning and punitive measures as a means of responding to non-conformation when trying to regulate South Asian nuclear proliferation. This will be the beginning of a new approach. Considering the aforementioned concerns, both India and Pakistan have contributed to global nuclear security throughmethods outside of the norms and treaties that threaten their security assurance.
Even during periods of high tension leaders of both countries have unanimously rejected the notion of nuclear exchange. If either country had intentions that undermined global nuclear security neither would be engagedin areas that increase accountability, such as the bilateral agreement in to give advanced warning to one another before conducting ballistic missile tests.
Despite the pro-nuclearmentality that accompaniesthe validation of more nuclear states, this proposal intends to be a tool of gradual disarmament.